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Benjamin Franklin, Jonathan Edwards, and the Representation of American Culture

Written by eastern writer on Tuesday, June 30, 2009

This interdisciplinary collection of comparative essays by distinguished historians and literary critics looks at aspects of the thought of Jonathan Edwards and Benjamin Franklin and considers the place of these two men in American culture. Probably the two most examined figures of the colonial period, they have often been the object of comparative studies. These characterizations usually portray them as mutually exclusive ideal types, thus placing them in categories as different and opposed as "traditional" and "modern." In these essays--by such scholars as William Breitenbach, Edwin Gaustad, Elizabeth Dunn, and Ruth Bloch--polemical contrasts disappear and Edwards and Franklin emerge as contrapuntal themes in a larger unity. Benjamin Franklin, Jonathan Edwards, and the Representation of American Culture is a valuable addition to scholarship on American literature and thought.

"This valuable collection of essays is a good place to start in deepening and revising our assessment of Edwards and Franklin."--William and Mary Quarterly

"This is an important collection of original essays."--Church History

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Third World" Feminism?

Written by eastern writer on Monday, June 29, 2009

The term feminism has been defined, analyzed, reviewed, criticized, redefined, de-constructed, revisited or in other words has been pulled and stretched from so many directions for so long that sometimes writing about it feels like dragging a dead horse even beyond the outer limits. This is no way to mean that feminism itself is a dead subject. On the contrary, given the rapidly changing geo-political scenario in this era of Globalization (and/or post-modernism), feminism now functions as more of a foundational basis for many activists, policymakers and academicians than as an epistemological framework only at the theoretical level. Hardly even any mainstream "development" planning is formulated now a days without considering the gender variable, let alone grassroots mobilization or any social activism. But like liberalism, Marxism, environmentalism or many other such "ism"s, feminism has been a controversial one and an intensely debated upon ideology from the very beginning of its introduction and acceptance in the sphere of public knowledge. As can be the case for any such engaging and pervading issue, feminism has been approached from different and sometimes contrasting view points by the proponents of it. In its early days feminism was primarily focused on inclusion of "women". That is, women as a category was brought into attention against the backdrop of absence of formal recognition and awareness. Feminists started voicing the fact that the contribution of women in the Gross National Product (GNP) or their involvement in the informal workforce has been largely ignored and uncounted. The necessity of assessing the opportunity cost of household works done by women, the social value of childbearing and motherhood, the economic value of generating human capital became unavoidable. Impact on women of various national and international policies like discriminatory civil and judicial laws, privatization, structural adjustment etc. along with existing patriarchal social and cultural norms that reinforced the very process of discrimination were formally acknowledged and documented. Feminists came a long way in protesting - and to quite an extent producing practical results for - violence against women both at the private and public spheres.



But that was before. Since the decades of the 90s - i.e. the height of post-modernism - more and more (primarily post-colonial) feminist scholars[1] are arguing to avoid universalist claims about "women" and situate feminism in a specific social, economic, cultural, historical and political context for analysis, especially when discussing the Third World. Third World societies are mostly post-colonial, developing (economically speaking) countries and they are situated at a juncture where legacies of old traditions and influences of Western ways of life create fusion that continually shapes the structure of the societies. Each Third World society is distinct and is shaped by its cultural tradition, religion, social norms as well as the position of the particular nation-state in the world system. As the sovereignty of the nation-states have been compromised under globalization national policies are greatly influenced by international politics, affecting in turn, the citizens within each national territory. One example of such a phenomenon would be how structural adjustment policies adopted by Third World countries - pushed by the World bank and the IMF - have restructured the economic and social conditions and impacted the citizens overall and women in particular. But one has to be cautious here. When considering how structural adjustment or any policy so to speak or any social parameter is affecting women, one has to be careful to distinguish among women from different socio-economic backgrounds even within a country or a region. Just because women from one country are being impacted does not mean that all women in that same country are affected at the same extent if all are affected at all. In Bangladesh, the opportunity to work at the garments industries comes as an alternative survival strategy for working women from the lower economic class (whether that particular strategy is more exploitative or not is another issue), but for middle class women the same thing translates into a lack of supply of domestic help. What rural women face when indicted with Fatwas following dire physical and social repercussions and what urban women face realizing that Islamic rules are being imposed to further strengthen the existing patriarchal structure - are very different experiences. This is not to say that there should not be a term "Third World" when talking about feminism. The factors along which the world has been categorized as First and Third contribute to the differences of experiences that women face in the First and the Third worlds. But appropriate consideration has to be paid to the specificity of the context. Very often Third World women have been presented as the "oppressed" without any attempt of further analysis of the form and extent of the process of oppression. Upholding women's problems in mainstream development planning or policy making conferences, or even at women's summits - where women meant White, middle class, Western women vis a vis uneducated, ignorant, Third World women - has been widely criticized. In other words, positing "women" as an analytical category has been problematized. Women as a group/ social category is not a homogeneous collectivity. Term like "women's problem/s" often hides the fact that women from different class, culture, race and religion face very different challenges and can experience even contrasting outcomes of the same social phenomenon.




At the same time, the feminists themselves have not been spared either. Any researcher is to be subject to the same kind of deconstruction as the research work itself to take into account the particular position or standing of the researcher. Along with this line of argument which states the importance of multi-leveled and detailed attention to the context, also came out the issue of "agency". The term agency implies the existence of a conscious awareness by women of their conditions who are marginalized, oppressed, subverted etc. Meaning, if feminists harbor a thought of "liberating" illiterate, impoverished, suppressed women they are denying or undermining the ability of those who they want to liberate. Coming from outside with whatever amount of knowledge or other resources and having the benevolent idea of "doing good" to the women of a community, is not only patronizing on their part it is also a misconstrued reality to begin with. A Feminist or any researcher or activist so to speak, has to work with the women and not on them. This is particularly important for Action Research. Action Researchers focus on the agency of people and they believe that any pursuit of social change has to be a team effort. It will be a mutually learning process where trained researcher/s and the community women will benefit and learn from each other's experiences. This is very useful in lessening the bias that is inherently associated with any research or knowledge production. How an individual views an ideology or even a trivial issue in daily life reflects not only that individual's preferences and values but also the socio-economic status (i.e indicating a particular environment) of her/his that has constructed and shaped the structure of her/his preferences and values. That is, whichever stand we take regarding any matter we usually come carrying our baggage of who we are and where we belong in the social hierarchal system. The same goes for me as well. I write as a sociologist who does research on women and socio-economic-political issues, who has been formally trained to do research in the First world but who comes from the Third World with a middle class background. Unknowingly or not, my views and my analyses are shaped by my identity as a woman, as an individual (regardless any gender identity), as a housewife, as a student, as a researcher from the Third World and above all as someone - who has been privileged enough to not face the struggles and oppression that women from lower economic class have to endure and has the luxury to think and write about feminism.



At the end of 2003 I did some data collection in couple of villages in Bangladesh. I approached PROSHIKA and hired an enumerator to get me access to the village women who I wanted to interview. As part of my research interest I wanted to interview Fatwa victims. The closest I could get to that was that I was able to interview some of the relatives of two Fatwa victims. In a village, called village X, a couple had recently committed suicide after they were indicted by a village shalish. The woman was guilty of falling for her brother -in-law and leaving her husband who was mentally challenged. Ironically even though the husband and the in-laws accepted the u incident, the village shalish wanted to set a precedence through it. As PROSHIKA was active in that area they pressured the police to enforce legal action against the preachers. As a result the police - failing to arrest the escaped shalish leaders - captured as many male members of the village as they could. I was told that even twelve years boys had to hide not to get arrested. The police wanted to know the whereabouts of the shalish leaders from the villagers which they did not or could not divulge. This whole ordeal went for a month as the media covered this incident and the police was forced further not to just let that go. When I wanted to interview the female relatives I could not go to the village as the frustrated villagers did not allow any outsider and especially any PROSHIKA member enter the village. PROSHIKA has been working in that area for years and does extensive works for women and yet became banned from that village. A meeting was arranged in another village where I could talk to the relatives of the couple. At the interview they told me that the couple committed suicide not because they were publicly beaten (the infamous Dorra) but because they were publicly humiliated when their heads were shaved! They told me that a woman could take a lot but could not sustain such a shame of losing her hair in public. I, sitting with them with my salon cut short hair, had no problem relating to that. Because it was the symbols and meanings carried with the punishment which were heavier than the act of the punishment itself. And even if I think that what could be more precious than life, I am in no position to criticize them from the outside. This is what I learnt from Third World feminism - not to analyze the incident out of its context. And for the same reason, when the grieving relatives (all women) told me that even though they felt that sometimes the punishment following a Fatwa was too harsh for women they still supported the system of Fatwa as it was a functional mean of social control, who was I to judge? Even if those same women had the generosity at heart to accept the adultery committed by a woman and at the same time were anxious that if there was no social control what would their children learn, who was I to think I was more enlightened than they were? When I was very clearly told by village women that what women did in Dhaka or on TV was not acceptable to them, who was I to censure? I can only share my views with them, I cannot impose on them. I can understand their positions in their context, I cannot label them "oppressed" waiting to be rescued. I can present alternatives, I cannot force them. I am an example of privilege. I am what any of them could be given my background. And their views could be any of mine, given I lived in their environment. If any kind of social change has to be made we have to work both at the macro and the micro level. Feminism can not be addressed separately from politics or isolated from other interconnected factors like culture and religion. Some of my interviewees were extremely independent. They not only earned money and functioned as the heads of the households - they broke their problematic marriages, they sent their daughters to schools, they entered institutional politics and got elected for twenty years at a stretch, they manipulated social customs, they traveled alone at night and yet they covered their heads. Where do I draw the line of "feminism"?



[1] For reference see Chandra Talpade Mohanty, Uma Narayan, Sandra Harding, Leila Ahmed, Marnia Lazreg etc.

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Snigdha Ali does research in the field of Developmental Sociology. She writes from Atlanta, USA.

source: http://www.mukto-mona.com

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Writing Women in Late Imperial China

Written by eastern writer on Sunday, June 28, 2009

Writing Women in Late Imperial China. Edited by Ellen Widmer and Kan-I Sun Chang. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997. 535 p. $24.95


As Kan-I Sun Chang points out, "many Chinese scholars' stubborn adherence to a rigid scheme of historical evolution" hinders them from paying attention to Ming and Qing poetry in general--an important genre of the two last dynasties in Chinese history. Coincidentally, this period also witnessed emergence of publications of a considerable numbers of women's writings--often in the form of poetry. As writers marginalized by their gender in a relatively marginalized field, their works have been unduly neglected by scholars in Chinese studies in the past. Writing Women in Late Imperial China is a timely work, which does justice to this exciting scholarly field, richly endowed with "archives of little or never-studied materials" (Widmer, introduction).

Writing Women in Late Imperial China is the fruit of the international conference "Women and Literature in Ming-Qing China" at Yale University in 1993. The anthology consists of thirteen essays contributed by participants from various fields in Chinese studies. These articles are divided into four parts: 1) Writing the Courtesan, 2) Norms and Selves, 3) Poems in the Context, 4) Hong lou meng (The Dream of the Red Chamber).

The first part includes five articles, dealing with courtesan culture, flourishing in the urban culture particularly during the late Ming period. In his "Ambiguous Images of Courtesan Culture in Late Imperial China," Paul Ropp approaches this culture from a social-historical point of view, by problematizing often male dominant perspectives inherent in its writing records. In "The Late Ming Courtesan: Invention of a Cultural Ideal," Wai-yee Li associates the fate of courtesan culture with scholarly nostalgia for their past glory. At the same time, few courtesans achieved a limited equality with the opposite sex by assuming an ambiguously androgenic role through their literary accomplishment. In the same vein, Dorothy Ko's "The Written Word and the Bound Foot: A History of the Courtesan's Aura" shows how closely the fate of courtesan culture was related to that of scholarly culture. Furthermore, Ko explains that the prosperity and the decline of the courtesan culture were inversely associated with " the overtness of textual expressions of the foot-binding culture." Through a study of a play depicting the life of famous courtesan poets, Katherine Carlitz's "Desire and Writing in the Late Ming Play 'Parrot Island'" explores the dynamic relationship between two most important categories [End Page 267] of writing women during this period: courtesans as images created by male playwrights and gentry women as readers. In his "Women in Feng Menglong's 'Mountain Songs," Yasushi Oki explores female voices in a genre of popular culture, mountain songs collected by Feng Menglong, well-known late Ming writer and compiler of vernacular fiction. This essay shows how bold and active female voices in popular culture were transformed into much more passive and "decent" ones through the literary input of scholars. However, in his own ratings, Feng expressed a preference for daring and coarse popular songs.

The second part consists of two essays, focusing on collections of women's poetry. In her "Ming and Qing Anthologies of Women's Poetry and Their Selection Strategies" Kang-I Sun Chang provides an overview of anthologies of women's writings in late imperial China. This overview convincingly argues for the necessity of the current anthology. From a feminist perspective, Maureen Robertson examines changing voices of gentry women in their writing works in "Changing the Subject: Gender and Self-inscription in Authors' Prefaces and 'Shi' Poetry." These women writings constantly negotiated their voices amidst conventional perceptions of their gender, influences of their well-known (male) predecessors, and their own agenda in order to create a space for female subjectivity in their writings.

Part three studies poems in literary texts. Ann Walter's "Writing Her Way Out of Trouble: Li Yuying in History and Fiction" shows how a woman's writing could be used as double-edged sword--as both evidence of incrimination and means of salvation--in a vernacular story based on an history event. In her "Embodying the Disembodied: Representations of Ghosts and the Feminine," Judith Zeitlin associates femininity (ying) with literary images of ghost in three tales of Liaozhai's Records of the Strange, a collection of fantastic tales written by a Qing scholar. Grace Fong's "De/Constructing a Feminine Ideal in the Eighteenth Century: 'Random Records of West-Green' and the Story of Shuangqing" deals with male reappropriation of a woman in writing and her writing materials and shows how they fit to his fantasy world.

Part four is devoted to the masterpiece of Chinese fiction, The Dream of the Red Chamber. Haun Saussy's "Women's Writing and the Hong lou meng" studies poems supposedly written by female characters in this well-known 18th century novel, by primarily focusing on two poetic forms: poetry on objects and poetry on history. From a different angle, Wu Hong's "Beyond Stereotypes: The Twelve Beauties in Qing Court Art and the Dream of the Red Chamber" analyzes the development of images of the twelve beauties in relations to the reinvention of female architectural [End Page 268] spaces. Wu's essay shows to what extent this spatial relationship is related to the structural organization of the imperial palace in the light of Yongzheng emperor's poems written for the paintings of "twelve beauties." Ellen Widmer's "Ming Loyalism and the Woman's Voice in Fiction After Hong lou meng" links this novel with the occurrence of a self-aware effort to address a female readership in fiction writing, whose prosperity could partly be attributed to the need of Ming loyalists' search for a different literary expression.

This coherently structured volume rich with little known materials opens a new field for any one interested in Chinese studies, feminism, and cultural studies. As Nancy Armstrong, a feminist scholar in Victorian fiction, writes in her postface for the collection: "A peculiarly self-conscious exuberance colored the way in which the presenters at the Yale conference went about turning over new cultural-historical ground. Each paper took steps to generate a classification system capable of containing the new material, to challenge what had suddenly revealed themselves as masculine criteria for literary value, to map a more adequate social historical context for women's cultural production, and to define more self-consciously gendered positions from which to speak as literary scholars."

Tonglin Lu
University of Iowa

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this article was published at http://muse.jhu.edu

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Brecht: Montase dan Marxisme

Written by eastern writer on Sunday, June 28, 2009

BRECHT, dengan rambut cepak, muka masam, jas warna gelap yang tertutup tanpa dasi: ia ingin tampak sebagai bagian dari sebuah zaman yang lugas.

Seakan-akan awal abad ke-20 mengubah segalanya. Di sekelilingnya mesin, industri, massa, buruh: dunia yang monokromatik, yang tak lagi menyediakan tempat untuk baju dan laku yang berbunga-bunga, tetapi yakin akan datangnya pembebasan…

Bertolt Brecht tumbuh di suatu masa, di suatu tempat, yang mengelu-elukan mitos mesin dan pembebasan: sebuah sambutan bersemangat yang terutama terdengar dari kalangan seniman Sayap Kiri Jerman. Revolusi Oktober 1917 menang dan kaum Bolsyewik, di bawah Lenin, memulai program penyebaran tenaga listrik ke seantero Rusia, sebagai bagian integral dari agenda sosialisme.

Awal abad ke-20 adalah sebuah masa perubahan dan impian yang utuh, sebagaimana awal abad ke-21 masa perubahan ketika keutuhan adalah mimpi. Awal abad ke-20 mengidamkan sosialisme, dan tak hanya itu: sosialisme identik dengan masa depan, dan masa depan identik dengan sesuatu yang gemilang.

***

AVANT-garde lahir ketika seni hendak mempercepat waktu. Dalam modernisme di Jerman pada tahun 1920-an itu berarti memeriahkan “mesin” ke dalam “seni”. Dalam pameran Dada di Berlin Juni 1920, ada sebuah potret Grosz dan John Heartfield, keduanya pelukis Sayap Kiri, sedang membawa sebuah poster yang bertuliskan: “Seni rupa sudah mati. Hidup Seni Mesin yang baru…” Mereka memujikan karya Konstruktivisme Rusia yang dengan berani dan orisinal menggunakan bahan industri seperti logam, kawat, kaca, dan kayu.

Pada akhir tahun 1920-an itu pula Walter Benjamin menyiapkan proyeknya yang besar, Passagen-Werk, (yang terbit setelah ia mati), dalam bentuk himpunan sejumlah besar file, kutipan dan catatan, tentang atau tidak tentang Kota Paris yang berubah sejak abad ke-19: teknologi dan komoditas, lingkungan yang mempesona dan sekaligus mengancam. Benjamin tak pernah percaya bahwa “kemajuan” adalah sesuatu yang membawa manusia ke sesuatu yang tenteram (kita ingat malaikat sejarahnya melihat “kemajuan” sebagai unggunan puing), tetapi toh ia tetap menyukai fragmen-fragmen utopia. Baginya komunisme menjanjikan sebuah industrialisasi yang bisa membuat seni bertaut dengan mesin, fantasi dengan fungsi, simbol dengan alat.

Bahkan sebelum hari itu datang, Benjamin sudah melihat bagaimana teknologi yang melahirkan film-yang memukau orang banyak itu-telah memungkinkan penonton menelaah kehidupan dari “posisi seorang pakar”. Tentu saja ia keliru. Tetapi pesona film tetap-bahkan membuka kemungkinan baru pada teater, seperti ditunjukkan dalam panggung Piscator, sutradara Sayap Kiri yang meninggalkan pengaruhnya pada teater Brecht.

Dari situlah agaknya kita bisa berbicara tentang hubungan antara Brecht dengan film. Dari itu tampak sebuah segi lain. Kesenian dan “realitas” pada akhirnya adalah soal mengetahui dan membentuk. Dengan kata lain, seperti tampak di masa Brecht, soal kebebasan dan kekuasaan.

***

SALAH satu catatan Brecht tentang film menyebut apa yang mengagumkannya: dalam film, tulis Brecht, “peristiwa yang berlangsung serentak di tempat yang berbeda-beda dapat dilihat bersama”.

Bahwa justru kelebihan itulah yang ia kemukakan-padahal kelebihan medium film bukanlah keserentakannya, melainkan kontinuitas pergantian bagian-bagiannya, dari mana lahir ilusi tentang gerak-menunjukkan kecenderungan kuat dalam karya Brecht sendiri: lakonnya menghadirkan “realitas” sebagai sesuatu yang tak utuh.

Dalam pengantar katalogus pertunjukan yang ditulis Wolfgang Gersch kita baca bahwa Brecht, yang kurang tertarik kepada perkembangan adegan yang mengalir lancar, “mementingkan patahan-patahan yang tampak dalam bahan yang ia pergunakan buat filmnya”. Di tahun 1931, dalam memfilmkan pementasan Mann ist Mann, Brecht menggunakan kamera dengan “interupsi”. Juga ketika teman sekerjanya, Ruth Berlau, memfilmkan pertunjukan Das Leben des Galilei (versi Inggris: Galileo) di Hollywood di tahun 1947. “Alir gambar-gambar dalam film ini dihancurkan…”

Diskontinuitas. Film-film itu mungkin tak enak diikuti, tetapi sandiwara Brecht jadi berarti ketika ia merupakan montase dari aneka anasir yang tak berkesinambungan. Orang yang menonton Die Dreigroschenoper (”Opera Tiga Gobang”) yang dipentaskan oleh Berliner Ensemble bisa bercerita tentang huruf-huruf yang disorotkan ke layar, pipa orgel yang terbuka, kawat, pelakat, karikatur. Musik gubahan Kurt Weill menghadirkan satire dengan menyajikan melodi yang liris dan penuh nostalgia, justru ketika membawakan puisi Brecht yang tajam, menggerus, menggosok. Yang manis dalam nada diredam oleh suara serak kasar penyanyi, dan suara itu diiringi oleh orkestrasi mirip jazz dengan deram perkusi yang sember.

Dalam karya Brecht, kontradiksi, konflik dan ketidakcocokan menghidupkan kata dan laku, dan “realitas” (atau “peristiwa”) memang hampir tak pernah tampil di satu arena yang datar dan kontinu. Pada Brecht montase itu adalah ekspresi, dan itu tidak sekadar bentuk atau “bentuk” dan “isi” telah menjadi dikotomi yang runtuh. Montase adalah tata yang tumbang dan tak selesai dalam ruang modernitas.

Yang menarik ialah bahwa Brecht juga seorang Marxis.

***

IA tak pernah jadi anggota Partai Komunis, tetapi sampai meninggal ia tetap tinggal di wilayah timur yang waktu itu masih disebut Repulik Demokrasi Jerman.

Seperti tampak dalam film dokumenter atas pementasan Katzgraben, sebuah lakon yang memamerkan “reorganisasi sosialistis” di pedesaan, Brecht bisa patuh kepada instruksi Partai untuk kerja propaganda. Tetapi, Urfaust, drama yang pementasannya di tahun 1953 direkam dalam film Hans Juergen Syberberg, menimbulkan problem. Sebuah catatan dalam katalogus menyebutkan kecaman Partai kepada Urfaust, juga Brecht sendiri, karena “fatalisme dan pesimisme”-nya.

Di sisi mana Brecht yang sebenarnya? Mungkin yang bisa dikatakan hanya ini: Brecht meletakkan diri sebagai pekerja, di sisi “produksi”.

Di dalam kesenian, hubungan “produksi” dengan teori adalah sebuah pertunangan yang tak setia.

Tak mengherankan jika dengan cepat Brecht berbenturan dengan “realisme sosialis” yang dikibarkan Georg Lukacs dan perdebatan yang tercatat kemudian menjadi salah satu bagian penting dari sejarah pemikiran tentang seni dan revolusi.

***

BULAN Juli 1938: Walter Benjamin bertemu Brecht di Denmark. Dalam buku kecil Benjamin tentang Brecht kita bisa membaca percakapan antara mereka: di hari itu ada berita yang tak mengenakkan: terbitnya karya Georg Lukacs di Uni Soviet.

Brecht tak pernah menyukai kritikus: “Mereka ingin memainkan peran petugas, dan mengontrol orang lain. Setiap kritik mereka mengandung ancaman.” Ia sedang berbicara tentang Lukacs.

Lukacs memilih komunisme sejak tahun 1918-mekipun dengan mendadak-dan ia pernah jadi seorang menteri di pemerintahan Soviet Hungaria sampai kekuasaan itu jatuh tahun 1919. Hitler mengancam seluruh Eropa dan Lukacs pun berangkat ke Moskwa, tinggal di sana sampai tahun 1945, bekerja di Lembaga Filsafat dari Akademi Ilmu Pengetahuan Soviet. Ia seorang yang bersedia mencabut kembali buah pikirannya jika Partai menganggapnya salah, seperti yang terjadi di tahun 1924 pada karyanya yang monumental Gesischte und Klassenbewusstsein (”Sejarah dan Kesadaran Kelas”).

Tahun 1934 ia menyerang Ekspresionisme. Gerakan kesenian ini sebenarnya telah lewat, tiga dekade setelah ia muncul tahun 1906. Tetapi, ia merupakan pembuka pintu bagi modernisme di Jerman, dengan segala hiruk-pikuknya. Ketika tahun 1937 Lukacs kembali memulai apa yang kemudian terkenal sebagai “Debat Ekspresionisme”, pokok soal bukanlah Ekspresionisme itu sendiri, melainkan bagaimana pemikiran dan politik Marxis menghadapi sebuah kehidupan kesenian yang, (setidaknya dalam klasifikasi Lukacs), “irrasional”, menampik kontinuitas secara radikal, patah arang dari semangat pencerahan.

Debat itu, terutama yang berlangsung antara Lukacs dan Ernst Bloch (yang membela Ekspresionisme, dengan tangguh), memang tak bisa dilepaskan dari perubahan politik dalam gerakan komunisme dunia di tahun-tahun menghadapi Naziisme. Tetapi ekornya cukup panjang dalam sejarah. Bahkan juga sampai ke pemikiran dewasa ini, ketika semangat pencerahan itu sendiri dipersoalkan.

***

POLEMIK Lukacs bukan sekadar perbenturan ide. Dalam tradisi Marxis-Leninis, soal teori adalah soal konsolidasi: ada yang harus dibabat dan ada yang tidak. Dari catatan Benjamin di bulan Juli 1938 itu terasa ada rasa waswas Brecht. Di Moskwa, menjelang akhir tahun 1930-an, Stalin sedang membersihkan “musuh-musuh Partai”. Mungkin sekali dalam konteks itu Benjamin menyebut, bahwa terbitnya karya Lukacs “memberi kesulitan yang cukup besar bagi Brecht”.

Memang dua posisi yang berbeda: Lukacs, ahli teori yang duduk di Moskwa; Brecht, seorang seniman yang bahkan belum jadi angota Partai. Dalam sebuah studi yang cukup lengkap tentang perdebatan dalam pemikiran Marxis mengenai kesenian di awal abad ke-20, Marxism and Modernism, Eugene Lunn menyebut: sejak di tahun 1932 Lukacs mengecam Lehrst_ck, atau “lakon-lakon didaktis” Brecht yang berbentuk kantata di atas panggung yang sederhana, yang diciptakannya bersama musik Kurt Weil (dengan sedikit pengaruh teater Jepang Noh).

Bagi Lukacs, eksperimen ini dianggap gagal menyediakan basis bagi sebuah “realisme sosialis” yang sejati. Brecht tertarik kepada pementasan karya satire oleh grup ‘Blauer Vogel’, yang alurnya tak menunjukkan garis lempang, dan yang di atas panggung adalah sketsa-sketsa yang tak bertautan. Tetapi bagi Lukacs, teater Brecht tak menciptakan karakter yang representatif, dalam konflik psikologis dan dalam hubungannya dengan dinamika sosial yang lebih luas…

***

DI tahun 1938 Brecht menulis sejumlah esai. Ia minta pertimbangan Benjamin apakah perlu segera diterbitkan atau tidak. Benjamin, yang sadar kuatnya posisi Lukacs di Moskwa, tak bisa menyarankan apa-apa. Ia hanya bertanya apakah Brecht punya teman di Moskwa untuk dimintai pendapat. Jawab Brecht: “Sesungguhnya tidak… Juga orang Moskwa sendiri-seperti halnya mereka yang mati”.

Esai-esai itu akhirnya tak pernah diterbitkan selama ia hidup, dan baru dipublikasikan di tahun 1967. Dari sini kita dapat melihat penegasan Brecht bagaimana sesungguhnya kesenian diciptakan, atau, dalam istilah Brecht, di-”produksi”, dan bagaimana hubungannya dengan “realitas” dalam proses itu.

***

SIAPA yang di luar proses produksi akan melihat khaos sebagai sebuah kenyataan yang asing. Dalam argumennya ketika ia menyerang Ekspresionisme dan lain-lain, Lukacs hanya menggunakan bentuk novel dari abad ke-19 (karya Balzac, misalnya), sebagai bahan pembahasan tentang “realisme” yang dipujikannya. Lukacs tak menyentuh puisi dan tak pula teater. “Bagaimana dengan realisme dalam puisi liris atau dalam drama?” Itu pertanyaan Brecht.

Tiap tesis memberikan jawab. Tetapi kelemahan Lukacs, saya kira, bermula dari kecenderungannya untuk menjadi pengecam yang konstan dunia modern. Ia memandang seni sebagai bagian dari usaha meneguhkan kembali apa yang hilang di dunia modern itu: hidup sebagai suatu totalitas.

Untuk itu, novel adalah ekspresi yang paling cocok. Novel adalah sebuah ikhtiar, dalam keasyikan dan sia-sia, untuk mengembalikan hidup sebagai totalitas, di mana tiap bagian berkait dengan bagian lain. Dalam ketegangan itu, antara tujuan dan kegagalan, novel hidup sebagai (atau di dalam) narasi

.

Tetapi, bagi Lukacs, narasi ini adalah sebuah narasi dengan kiblat. “Tanpa abstraksi tak ada seni,” tulisnya pada tahun 1938, “seperti setiap gerak, abstraksi mesti mempunyai suatu arah, dan pada arah inilah segalanya tergantung.” Sebagaimana Lukacs melihat sejarah sebagai suatu kesatuan yang koheren dan mengandung makna, ia melihat seni bukan sebagai sesuatu yang terjadi, dengan segala aksidennya, dalam proses laku.

Di situlah Lukacs keliru. Justru dalam laku itu, narasi adalah proses di mana kebebasan dirayakan, tanpa menyadari atau tanpa dibebani kehadiran sebuah kiblat, atau kehadiran apa pun. Argumen Lukacs tak mengemukakan soal kebebasan ini, tetapi ini tak ada hubungannya dengan Marxisme.

Dalam tulisannya tahun 1910, ketika ia masih mencemooh sosialisme, ia telah tampil sebagai orang yang mengecam apa yang disebutnya “kebudayaan estetik” dunia modern. Dalam kebudayaan itu, kata Lukacs, karya-karya seni menempatkan “suasana hati” demikian penting, hingga yang disambut bukanlah yang permanen, melainkan perubahan terus-menerus. Tak diperlukan karya yang monumental, tragedi, filsafat, apa pun yang bersifat benar-benar epik. Yang penting “hanya teknik yang dilap mengkilat, psikologi yang dibuat rumit dengan cerdik, ungkapan yang pintar jenaka dan suasana hati yang seperti kabut pagi.”

Dengan argumen yang mirip, seperempat abad sebelum ia menyerang Ekspresionisme, Lukacs menyerang Impresionisme. Di tahun 1909 itu ia menyatakan telah memilih seni yang lain: seni yang mengekpresikan “tertib”, seni yang akan “menghancurkan semua anarki sensasi dan suasana hati”. Di tahun 1930-an ia tampak seperti seorang neo-klasik dengan topi kusam seorang komisar.

***

SASTRA adalah seni yang tertib apabila ia tahu dari mana dan ke mana ia bergerak. Tetapi bisakah? Lukacs hanya berpedoman kepada sejumlah novel yang padu, linear, dan mengalir kontinu: karya Balzac pada abad ke-19 dan karya Thomas Mann pada abad ke-20 (keduanya tak ada hubungan batin apa pun dengan sosialisme). Hanya dengan menirukan totalitas, ujar Lukacs, realisme dicapai. Totalitas akhirnya juga sesuatu yang normatif.

Akan tetapi, dari manakah datangnya totalitas? Tak mungkinkah totalitas itu hasil sebuah konstruksi dari sebuah kesimpulan, yang dipasang untuk menjelaskan dunia? Tak mungkinkah totalitas itu terbangun dari pandangan sebuah “meta-subyek” yang merangkum dunia?

Lukacs menganggap bahwa “meta-subyek” itu adalah proletariat. Tetapi totalitas juga berarti pandangan yang menyingkirkan apa yang berbeda, apa saja yang tak sesuai dengan totalitas itu sendiri. Setidaknya bagi seorang Marxis seperti Adorno, “umat manusia yang dibebaskan tidak akan berupa sebuah totalitas”

.

Lukacs membela diri di depan Bloch: Ekspresionisme, yang mencerminkan retak-pecahnya masyarakat burjuis, telah gagal untuk melihat apa yang dilihat Marx, bahwa “hubungan produksi setiap masyarakat membentuk satu keseluruhan”.

Tetapi adakah “keseluruhan” itu sesuatu yang disadari melalui pemikiran kemudian, atau sesuatu yang langsung ada dalam setiap momen estetik?

***

SEANDAINYA Lukacs pernah masuk ke dalam sebuah puisi liris yang seakan-akan selalu belum selesai, katakanlah haiku, ia akan tahu satu hal: dalam proses penciptaan puisi seperti itu, masa-silam, masa-kini dan masa-depan tak hadir sebagai sesuatu yang koheren. Setidaknya koherensi itu tak mengarahkannya seperti sebuah diktat. Ketika Picasso mengerjakan sebuah gambar, pra-desain yang utuh-padu tak menentukan. Malah tak ada…

Brecht berbeda dengan Lukacs, karena ia menjalani proses kreatif sehari-hari. Lewat Walter Benjamin ia nyatakan kecamannya kepada para teoretikus seperti Lukacs:

“Mereka itu… musuh produksi. Produksi membuat mereka tak bisa nyaman. Kita tak tahu di mana kita dengan produksi itu; produksi itu tak bisa diketahui sebelumnya. Kita tak pernah tahu apa yang akan muncul.”

Karya-karya Modernisme memberi tempat justru kepada sebuah proses yang “tak bisa diketahui sebelumnya”. Proses itu bukan cuma proses kreasi, tetapi juga proses re-kreasi, dalam pertemuan dengan si pembaca. Novel Ulysses James Joyce menampilkan kata dan kalimat yang mengalir antara sadar dan tak sadar, tak tahu alurnya. Lukisan Kandinsky terwujud dari sebuah laku yang tanpa dibatasi titik tertentu. Tokoh Brecht bukanlah sebuah sosok yang selesai. Bagi Brecht, sebuah ego yang stabil hanyalah sebuah pengertian idealisme Jerman.

“Ego yang kontinu adalah sebuah dongeng,” kata Brecht dalam percakapan dengan Bernard Guillemin di tahun 1926.

Brecht berbicara seperti seorang Marxis: manusia, prestasi, kejatuhan dan corak dirinya adalah sesuatu yang berubah, oleh produksi bersama (yang dalam kesenian berarti antara seorang pencipta dan penikmatnya). Mungkin dari sini pula-juga dari praktik teaternya-panggung Brecht bisa disebut sebagai “panggung materialis”, dan itulah memang yang dikatakan Althusser tentang lakon-lakon Berliner Ensemble.

***

PRODUKSI adalah proses kejadian yang sering dikaburkan oleh dongeng. Kata “produksi” dipilih Brecht, mungkin untuk melenyapkan apa yang kedengaran agung-bagian dari mitos-penciptaan seni.

Brecht menulis tentang Balzac: “Balzac adalah penyair tentang ukuran-ukuran raksasa yang mengerikan… Tidak, Balzac tidak bermain-main dengan montase. Ia menulis tentang asal-usul yang luas, ia mengawinkan makhluk-makhluk dari fantasinya sebagaimana Napoleon mengawinkan para marsekalnya…”

Ketika apa yang tampaknya ajaib copot dari proses kreasi, bentuk akan tampak telanjang-misalnya sebagai hasil penguasaan. Sebenarnya itulah yang terkesan dari estetika Lukacs. Yang ditulisnya di tahun 1910 tetap bergema sampai di tahun 1930-an:

“Hakikat seni adalah merumuskan hal-ihwal, mengatasi resistansi, membawa kekuatan-kekuatan yang tak bersahabat ke dalam kendali, membentuk kesatuan dari apa yang berbeda dan bertentangan.”

Anehkah bila akhirnya bukan Brecht, melainkan Lukacs, yang merasuk ke dalam ajaran kesenian di bawah Stalin? Lukacs konon pernah mengritik “realisme sosialis” yang dikampanyekan di masa itu. Tetapi, benarkah tak ada benang merah yang menghubungkan “realisme sosialis”-nya dengan doktrin kesenian dari Kremlin itu?

Garis kebudayaan Stalinis, seperti dalam dalil Lukacs, menciptakan tauladan dari penulis abad ke-19 macam Balzac, Tolstoy dan Goethe (dan kemudian Gorky). Sementara gerakan Konstrukvis, misalnya, punah-juga segala bentuk ekspresi yang tak terkendali. Tuduhan “dekaden” terhadap ekspresi kesenian modern diulang-dengan kata yang dipergunakan Lukacs bagi apa saja yang mengutarakan hidup yang tak lagi “menetap dalam totalitas”. Di akhir 1930-an. Andrei Zhdanov, pejabat Stalin itu, juga, seperti Lukacs, berbicara tentang “dekadensi dan disintegrasi sastra borjuis”. Di saat itu, “realisme sosialis” berkembang dari sikap menjadi norma, dan norma menjadi ortodoksi.

Tampak bahwa dalam pandangan Lukacs dan Zhdanov soal utama adalah penguasaan atas realitas, “membawa kekuatan-kekuatan yang tak bersahabat ke dalam kendali, membentuk kesatuan dari apa yang berbeda dan bertentangan”. Maka tak ada yang liar, berbeda tak henti-hentinya, tak ada yang tak terduga. Seni adalah cerminan “realitas” yang sudah ditertibkan, untuk sebuah arah yang stabil, seperti seni rupa “fotografisme” ala Brodsky, yang melukis Lenin sepersis kerja kamera.

Kita tahu bahwa di sana ada disiplin. Zhdanov bukan hanya membawa statemen dan rumus, tetapi juga seruan merapatkan barisan, dan akhirnya pembungkaman di pelbagai gulag. Terutama dalam suasana pertentangan politik (dan pertentangan politik terjadi sampai kapitalisme hancur) ketika militansi dipacu.

Tak aneh bila yang ditekankan ialah ucapan Maxim Gorky, sebagaimana dikutip (dalam bahasa Inggris) oleh Pramudya Ananta Toer dalam prasarannya tentang “realisme sosialis” di tahun 1963:

“Bila musuh tak menyerah, ia harus dihancurkan.”

Dan bagaimana Brecht? Ia selamat. Mungkin karena ia licin, atau karena ia seperti tokoh utamanya dalam Der Gutte Mensch von Sezuan (”Orang Baik dari Sezuan”): seorang yang terkadang menjadi Shen Te dan terkadang menjadi Shui Ta, sebuah kontradiksi yang tak pernah selesai dalam satu sosok.

Bukan, bukan sebuah ego yang kontinu. Sebab itulah ia betah dengan pentas yang tak lurus, menyukai teknik montase pelbagai anasir, yang semuanya merupakan ekspresi Marxisme-nya yang unik: dialektika justru dalam bentuk, proses perubahan dalam bentuk.


------------
Naskah ceramah oleh Goenawan Mohamad dalam pementasan “100 Tahun Bertolt Brecht” di Teater Utan Kayu pada Maret 2000. Diterbitkan dalam rubrik Bentara di harian Kompas, 7 April 2000.

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Informing Ourselves To Death

Written by eastern writer on Sunday, June 28, 2009

By Neil Postman

The following speech was given at a meeting of the German Informatics Society (Gesellschaft fuer Informatik) on October 11, 1990 in Stuttgart, sponsored by IBM-Germany.


The great English playwright and social philosopher George Bernard Shaw once remarked that all professions are conspiracies against the common folk. He meant that those who belong to elite trades -- physicians, lawyers, teachers, and scientists -- protect their special status by creating vocabularies that are incomprehensible to the general public. This process prevents outsiders from understanding what the profession is doing and why -- and protects the insiders from close examination and criticism. Professions, in other words, build forbidding walls of technical gobbledegook over which the prying and alien eye cannot see.

Unlike George Bernard Shaw, I raise no complaint against this, for I consider myself a professional teacher and appreciate technical gobbledegook as much as anyone. But I do not object if occasionally someone who does not know the secrets of my trade is allowed entry to the inner halls to express an untutored point of view. Such a person may sometimes give a refreshing opinion or, even better, see something in a way that the professionals have overlooked.

I believe I have been invited to speak at this conference for just such a purpose. I do not know very much more about computer technology than the average person -- which isn't very much. I have little understanding of what excites a computer programmer or scientist, and in examining the descriptions of the presentations at this conference, I found each one more mysterious than the next. So, I clearly qualify as an outsider.

But I think that what you want here is not merely an outsider but an outsider who has a point of view that might be useful to the insiders. And that is why I accepted the invitation to speak. I believe I know something about what technologies do to culture, and I know even more about what technologies undo in a culture. In fact, I might say, at the start, that what a technology undoes is a subject that computer experts apparently know very little about. I have heard many experts in computer technology speak about the advantages that computers will bring. With one exception -- namely, Joseph Weizenbaum -- I have never heard anyone speak seriously and comprehensively about the disadvantages of computer technology, which strikes me as odd, and makes me wonder if the profession is hiding something important. That is to say, what seems to be lacking among computer experts is a sense of technological modesty.

After all, anyone who has studied the history of technology knows that technological change is always a Faustian bargain: Technology giveth and technology taketh away, and not always in equal measure. A new technology sometimes creates more than it destroys. Sometimes, it destroys more than it creates. But it is never one-sided.

The invention of the printing press is an excellent example. Printing fostered the modern idea of individuality but it destroyed the medieval sense of community and social integration. Printing created prose but made poetry into an exotic and elitist form of expression. Printing made modern science possible but transformed religious sensibility into an exercise in superstition. Printing assisted in the growth of the nation-state but, in so doing, made patriotism into a sordid if not a murderous emotion.

Another way of saying this is that a new technology tends to favor some groups of people and harms other groups. School teachers, for example, will, in the long run, probably be made obsolete by television, as blacksmiths were made obsolete by the automobile, as balladeers were made obsolete by the printing press. Technological change, in other words, always results in winners and losers.

In the case of computer technology, there can be no disputing that the computer has increased the power of large-scale organizations like military establishments or airline companies or banks or tax collecting agencies. And it is equally clear that the computer is now indispensable to high-level researchers in physics and other natural sciences. But to what extent has computer technology been an advantage to the masses of people? To steel workers, vegetable store owners, teachers, automobile mechanics, musicians, bakers, brick layers, dentists and most of the rest into whose lives the computer now intrudes? These people have had their private matters made more accessible to powerful institutions. They are more easily tracked and controlled; they are subjected to more examinations, and are increasingly mystified by the decisions made about them. They are more often reduced to mere numerical objects. They are being buried by junk mail. They are easy targets for advertising agencies and political organizations. The schools teach their children to operate computerized systems instead of teaching things that are more valuable to children. In a word, almost nothing happens to the losers that they need, which is why they are losers.

It is to be expected that the winners -- for example, most of the speakers at this conference -- will encourage the losers to be enthusiastic about computer technology. That is the way of winners, and so they sometimes tell the losers that with personal computers the average person can balance a checkbook more neatly, keep better track of recipes, and make more logical shopping lists. They also tell them that they can vote at home, shop at home, get all the information they wish at home, and thus make community life unnecessary. They tell them that their lives will be conducted more efficiently, discreetly neglecting to say from whose point of view or what might be the costs of such efficiency.

Should the losers grow skeptical, the winners dazzle them with the wondrous feats of computers, many of which have only marginal relevance to the quality of the losers' lives but which are nonetheless impressive. Eventually, the losers succumb, in part because they believe that the specialized knowledge of the masters of a computer technology is a form of wisdom. The masters, of course, come to believe this as well. The result is that certain questions do not arise, such as, to whom will the computer give greater power and freedom, and whose power and freedom will be reduced?

Now, I have perhaps made all of this sound like a wellplanned conspiracy, as if the winners know all too well what is being won and what lost. But this is not quite how it happens, for the winners do not always know what they are doing, and where it will all lead. The Benedictine monks who invented the mechanical clock in the 12th and 13th centuries believed that such a clock would provide a precise regularity to the seven periods of devotion they were required to observe during the course of the day. As a matter of fact, it did. But what the monks did not realize is that the clock is not merely a means of keeping track of the hours but also of synchronizing and controlling the actions of men. And so, by the middle of the 14th century, the clock had moved outside the walls of the monastery, and brought a new and precise regularity to the life of the workman and the merchant. The mechanical clock made possible the idea of regular production, regular working hours, and a standardized product. Without the clock, capitalism would have been quite impossible. And so, here is a great paradox: the clock was invented by men who wanted to devote themselves more rigorously to God; and it ended as the technology of greatest use to men who wished to devote themselves to the accumulation of money. Technology always has unforeseen consequences, and it is not always clear, at the beginning, who or what will win, and who or what will lose.

I might add, by way of another historical example, that Johann Gutenberg was by all accounts a devoted Christian who would have been horrified to hear Martin Luther, the accursed heretic, declare that printing is "God's highest act of grace, whereby the business of the Gospel is driven forward." Gutenberg thought his invention would advance the cause of the Holy Roman See, whereas in fact, it turned out to bring a revolution which destroyed the monopoly of the Church.

We may well ask ourselves, then, is there something that the masters of computer technology think they are doing for us which they and we may have reason to regret? I believe there is, and it is suggested by the title of my talk, "Informing Ourselves to Death." In the time remaining, I will try to explain what is dangerous about the computer, and why. And I trust you will be open enough to consider what I have to say. Now, I think I can begin to get at this by telling you of a small experiment I have been conducting, on and off, for the past several years. There are some people who describe the experiment as an exercise in deceit and exploitation but I will rely on your sense of humor to pull me through.

Here's how it works: It is best done in the morning when I see a colleague who appears not to be in possession of a copy of The New York Times. "Did you read The Times this morning?," I ask. If the colleague says yes, there is no experiment that day. But if the answer is no, the experiment can proceed. "You ought to look at Page 23," I say. "There's a fascinating article about a study done at Harvard University." "Really? What's it about?" is the usual reply. My choices at this point are limited only by my imagination. But I might say something like this: "Well, they did this study to find out what foods are best to eat for losing weight, and it turns out that a normal diet supplemented by chocolate eclairs, eaten six times a day, is the best approach. It seems that there's some special nutrient in the eclairs -- encomial dioxin -- that actually uses up calories at an incredible rate."

Another possibility, which I like to use with colleagues who are known to be health conscious is this one: "I think you'll want to know about this," I say. "The neuro-physiologists at the University of Stuttgart have uncovered a connection between jogging and reduced intelligence. They tested more than 1200 people over a period of five years, and found that as the number of hours people jogged increased, there was a corresponding decrease in their intelligence. They don't know exactly why but there it is."

I'm sure, by now, you understand what my role is in the experiment: to report something that is quite ridiculous -- one might say, beyond belief. Let me tell you, then, some of my results: Unless this is the second or third time I've tried this on the same person, most people will believe or at least not disbelieve what I have told them. Sometimes they say: "Really? Is that possible?" Sometimes they do a double-take, and reply, "Where'd you say that study was done?" And sometimes they say, "You know, I've heard something like that."

Now, there are several conclusions that might be drawn from these results, one of which was expressed by H. L. Mencken fifty years ago when he said, there is no idea so stupid that you can't find a professor who will believe it. This is more of an accusation than an explanation but in any case I have tried this experiment on non-professors and get roughly the same results. Another possible conclusion is one expressed by George Orwell -- also about 50 years ago -- when he remarked that the average person today is about as naive as was the average person in the Middle Ages. In the Middle Ages people believed in the authority of their religion, no matter what. Today, we believe in the authority of our science, no matter what.

But I think there is still another and more important conclusion to be drawn, related to Orwell's point but rather off at a right angle to it. I am referring to the fact that the world in which we live is very nearly incomprehensible to most of us. There is almost no fact -- whether actual or imagined -- that will surprise us for very long, since we have no comprehensive and consistent picture of the world which would make the fact appear as an unacceptable contradiction. We believe because there is no reason not to believe. No social, political, historical, metaphysical, logical or spiritual reason. We live in a world that, for the most part, makes no sense to us. Not even technical sense. I don't mean to try my experiment on this audience, especially after having told you about it, but if I informed you that the seats you are presently occupying were actually made by a special process which uses the skin of a Bismark herring, on what grounds would you dispute me? For all you know -- indeed, for all I know -- the skin of a Bismark herring could have made the seats on which you sit. And if I could get an industrial chemist to confirm this fact by describing some incomprehensible process by which it was done, you would probably tell someone tomorrow that you spent the evening sitting on a Bismark herring.

Perhaps I can get a bit closer to the point I wish to make with an analogy: If you opened a brand-new deck of cards, and started turning the cards over, one by one, you would have a pretty good idea of what their order is. After you had gone from the ace of spades through the nine of spades, you would expect a ten of spades to come up next. And if a three of diamonds showed up instead, you would be surprised and wonder what kind of deck of cards this is. But if I gave you a deck that had been shuffled twenty times, and then asked you to turn the cards over, you would not expect any card in particular -- a three of diamonds would be just as likely as a ten of spades. Having no basis for assuming a given order, you would have no reason to react with disbelief or even surprise to whatever card turns up.

The point is that, in a world without spiritual or intellectual order, nothing is unbelievable; nothing is predictable, and therefore, nothing comes as a particular surprise.

In fact, George Orwell was more than a little unfair to the average person in the Middle Ages. The belief system of the Middle Ages was rather like my brand-new deck of cards. There existed an ordered, comprehensible world-view, beginning with the idea that all knowledge and goodness come from God. What the priests had to say about the world was derived from the logic of their theology. There was nothing arbitrary about the things people were asked to believe, including the fact that the world itself was created at 9 AM on October 23 in the year 4004 B.C. That could be explained, and was, quite lucidly, to the satisfaction of anyone. So could the fact that 10,000 angels could dance on the head of a pin. It made quite good sense, if you believed that the Bible is the revealed word of God and that the universe is populated with angels. The medieval world was, to be sure, mysterious and filled with wonder, but it was not without a sense of order. Ordinary men and women might not clearly grasp how the harsh realities of their lives fit into the grand and benevolent design, but they had no doubt that there was such a design, and their priests were well able, by deduction from a handful of principles, to make it, if not rational, at least coherent.

The situation we are presently in is much different. And I should say, sadder and more confusing and certainly more mysterious. It is rather like the shuffled deck of cards I referred to. There is no consistent, integrated conception of the world which serves as the foundation on which our edifice of belief rests. And therefore, in a sense, we are more naive than those of the Middle Ages, and more frightened, for we can be made to believe almost anything. The skin of a Bismark herring makes about as much sense as a vinyl alloy or encomial dioxin.

Now, in a way, none of this is our fault. If I may turn the wisdom of Cassius on its head: the fault is not in ourselves but almost literally in the stars. When Galileo turned his telescope toward the heavens, and allowed Kepler to look as well, they found no enchantment or authorization in the stars, only geometric patterns and equations. God, it seemed, was less of a moral philosopher than a master mathematician. This discovery helped to give impetus to the development of physics but did nothing but harm to theology. Before Galileo and Kepler, it was possible to believe that the Earth was the stable center of the universe, and that God took a special interest in our affairs. Afterward, the Earth became a lonely wanderer in an obscure galaxy in a hidden corner of the universe, and we were left to wonder if God had any interest in us at all. The ordered, comprehensible world of the Middle Ages began to unravel because people no longer saw in the stars the face of a friend.

And something else, which once was our friend, turned against us, as well. I refer to information. There was a time when information was a resource that helped human beings to solve specific and urgent problems of their environment. It is true enough that in the Middle Ages, there was a scarcity of information but its very scarcity made it both important and usable. This began to change, as everyone knows, in the late 15th century when a goldsmith named Gutenberg, from Mainz, converted an old wine press into a printing machine, and in so doing, created what we now call an information explosion. Forty years after the invention of the press, there were printing machines in 110 cities in six different countries; 50 years after, more than eight million books had been printed, almost all of them filled with information that had previously not been available to the average person. Nothing could be more misleading than the idea that computer technology introduced the age of information. The printing press began that age, and we have not been free of it since.

But what started out as a liberating stream has turned into a deluge of chaos. If I may take my own country as an example, here is what we are faced with: In America, there are 260,000 billboards; 11,520 newspapers; 11,556 periodicals; 27,000 video outlets for renting tapes; 362 million TV sets; and over 400 million radios. There are 40,000 new book titles published every year (300,000 world-wide) and every day in America 41 million photographs are taken, and just for the record, over 60 billion pieces of advertising junk mail come into our mail boxes every year. Everything from telegraphy and photography in the 19th century to the silicon chip in the twentieth has amplified the din of information, until matters have reached such proportions today that for the average person, information no longer has any relation to the solution of problems.

The tie between information and action has been severed. Information is now a commodity that can be bought and sold, or used as a form of entertainment, or worn like a garment to enhance one's status. It comes indiscriminately, directed at no one in particular, disconnected from usefulness; we are glutted with information, drowning in information, have no control over it, don't know what to do with it.

And there are two reasons we do not know what to do with it. First, as I have said, we no longer have a coherent conception of ourselves, and our universe, and our relation to one another and our world. We no longer know, as the Middle Ages did, where we come from, and where we are going, or why. That is, we don't know what information is relevant, and what information is irrelevant to our lives. Second, we have directed all of our energies and intelligence to inventing machinery that does nothing but increase the supply of information. As a consequence, our defenses against information glut have broken down; our information immune system is inoperable. We don't know how to filter it out; we don't know how to reduce it; we don't know to use it. We suffer from a kind of cultural AIDS.

Now, into this situation comes the computer. The computer, as we know, has a quality of universality, not only because its uses are almost infinitely various but also because computers are commonly integrated into the structure of other machines. Therefore it would be fatuous of me to warn against every conceivable use of a computer. But there is no denying that the most prominent uses of computers have to do with information. When people talk about "information sciences," they are talking about computers -- how to store information, how to retrieve information, how to organize information. The computer is an answer to the questions, how can I get more information, faster, and in a more usable form? These would appear to be reasonable questions. But now I should like to put some other questions to you that seem to me more reasonable. Did Iraq invade Kuwait because of a lack of information? If a hideous war should ensue between Iraq and the U.S., will it happen because of a lack of information? If children die of starvation in Ethiopia, does it occur because of a lack of information? Does racism in South Africa exist because of a lack of information? If criminals roam the streets of New York City, do they do so because of a lack of information?

Or, let us come down to a more personal level: If you and your spouse are unhappy together, and end your marriage in divorce, will it happen because of a lack of information? If your children misbehave and bring shame to your family, does it happen because of a lack of information? If someone in your family has a mental breakdown, will it happen because of a lack of information?

I believe you will have to concede that what ails us, what causes us the most misery and pain -- at both cultural and personal levels -- has nothing to do with the sort of information made accessible by computers. The computer and its information cannot answer any of the fundamental questions we need to address to make our lives more meaningful and humane. The computer cannot provide an organizing moral framework. It cannot tell us what questions are worth asking. It cannot provide a means of understanding why we are here or why we fight each other or why decency eludes us so often, especially when we need it the most. The computer is, in a sense, a magnificent toy that distracts us from facing what we most needed to confront -- spiritual emptiness, knowledge of ourselves, usable conceptions of the past and future. Does one blame the computer for this? Of course not. It is, after all, only a machine. But it is presented to us, with trumpets blaring, as at this conference, as a technological messiah.

Through the computer, the heralds say, we will make education better, religion better, politics better, our minds better -- best of all, ourselves better. This is, of course, nonsense, and only the young or the ignorant or the foolish could believe it. I said a moment ago that computers are not to blame for this. And that is true, at least in the sense that we do not blame an elephant for its huge appetite or a stone for being hard or a cloud for hiding the sun. That is their nature, and we expect nothing different from them. But the computer has a nature, as well. True, it is only a machine but a machine designed to manipulate and generate information. That is what computers do, and therefore they have an agenda and an unmistakable message.

The message is that through more and more information, more conveniently packaged, more swiftly delivered, we will find solutions to our problems. And so all the brilliant young men and women, believing this, create ingenious things for the computer to do, hoping that in this way, we will become wiser and more decent and more noble. And who can blame them? By becoming masters of this wondrous technology, they will acquire prestige and power and some will even become famous. In a world populated by people who believe that through more and more information, paradise is attainable, the computer scientist is king. But I maintain that all of this is a monumental and dangerous waste of human talent and energy. Imagine what might be accomplished if this talent and energy were turned to philosophy, to theology, to the arts, to imaginative literature or to education? Who knows what we could learn from such people -- perhaps why there are wars, and hunger, and homelessness and mental illness and anger.

As things stand now, the geniuses of computer technology will give us Star Wars, and tell us that is the answer to nuclear war. They will give us artificial intelligence, and tell us that this is the way to self-knowledge. They will give us instantaneous global communication, and tell us this is the way to mutual understanding. They will give us Virtual Reality and tell us this is the answer to spiritual poverty. But that is only the way of the technician, the fact-mongerer, the information junkie, and the technological idiot.

Here is what Henry David Thoreau told us: "All our inventions are but improved means to an unimproved end." Here is what Goethe told us: "One should, each day, try to hear a little song, read a good poem, see a fine picture, and, if it is possible, speak a few reasonable words." And here is what Socrates told us: "The unexamined life is not worth living." And here is what the prophet Micah told us: "What does the Lord require of thee but to do justly, and to love mercy and to walk humbly with thy God?" And I can tell you -- if I had the time (although you all know it well enough) -- what Confucius, Isaiah, Jesus, Mohammed, the Buddha, Spinoza and Shakespeare told us. It is all the same: There is no escaping from ourselves. The human dilemma is as it has always been, and we solve nothing fundamental by cloaking ourselves in technological glory.

Even the humblest cartoon character knows this, and I shall close by quoting the wise old possum named Pogo, created by the cartoonist, Walt Kelley. I commend his words to all the technological utopians and messiahs present. "We have met the enemy," Pogo said, "and he is us." [source: http://www.frostbytes.com]

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The beauty and sexy of asian girl

Written by eastern writer on Saturday, June 27, 2009

Asian girl is different from Europe. Both of the face and body postures, and also, of course, their sex behavior. Asian girl that known with their eastern cultures, are not open with their sex matter. But do you think if they are more wild when sex is discussed in more private.

Please check out this site http://www.sakuralive.com. Here many japanese girls and also girl from other Asian countries will show in the webcams. They do not feel dirty to exhibit a sensual body part that will make any man will inflame their sex desire. On this site, you can choose the type of girls in Asia that you want, you can chat via webcam, and of course can continue to date with one or more.

No wait, no restrictions. And these aren’t just normal webcam girls… these are submissive Japanese webcam girls who live to please you. Pick any one of the beautiful, nude girls you see up above and get started with her. Everything is done live from the comfort of the girl’s bedroom. You control her camera, her toy, and her body – it’s all yours to do whatever you want to fulfill your every fantasy.

These girls will do absolutely anything you can think of. There are no limits. All you need to join this japanese sex party is to be 18 years old or of legal age in your home country, and you can have a hot one-on-one session with the girl of your choice in a matter of minutes.

What you see on this asian adult site are real girls, live and ready for you. They exist only to please you (and, if you want it, please themselves). Beautiful, pure, dirty, nasty Japanese webcam girls who love to party are online for instant access whenever you want it. They just want someone to party with them.

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Freud and Psychoanalysis: Pocket Essential series

Written by eastern writer on Thursday, June 25, 2009

Pocket Essentials is a dynamic series of books that are concise, lively, and easy to read. Packed with facts as well as expert opinions, each book has all the key information you need to know about such popular topics as film, television, cult fiction, history, and more. Freud was one of the giants of 20th century thought. His ideas have been hugely influential not only in psychology but in all the social sciences and the arts. This looks at Freud's life from his birth in 1856 to his death in Hampstead in 1939. Each of Freud's major works is summarized, his central ideas are explored, and controversies over his methods and practices are examined. Did he, as some recent critics have alleged, turn his back on evidence of genuine child abuse in 1890s Vienna and prefer instead to ascribe it to fantasy and wish fulfilment? What were the reasons behind his terrible quarrel with Carl Gustav Jung? Does his "talking cure" of psychoanalysis actually work?


detail of the book:
Freud and Psychoanalysis (Pocket Essential series) By Nick Rennison
Publisher: Pocket Essentials 2002-04-01 | 96 Pages | ISBN: 1903047544

I'll give you the pdf version, please contact me

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Ulysses and stream of consciousness in fiction

Written by eastern writer on Tuesday, June 09, 2009

Ulysses is famous of course for introducing stream of consciousness to fiction. Characters' thoughts, fragments of memory and fantasies are mixed with input from the outside world. But it is all rather academic for me. Despite Joyce's attempts to replicate the flow of sensation through characters' minds with a diverse repertoire of literary effects, I doubt anyone has such intelligible thought processes as the characters in Ulysses do. In my own experience, vast stretches of mental time are passed without any thoughts that are expressed internally in words. This is a failing of the stream-of-consciousness method. An author must either include blank pages, pages of scribbling, musical notes, etc., or give up the pretence that one is reproducing the mental process. An author has to acknowledge that out of the nearly infinite range of daily human experience he is selecting specific items to put together artificially to represent through language what is largely inarticulate.


The stream-of-consciousness approach introduced by Joyce has had a great effect on modern writing, but Ulysses may be the over-the-top experiment (we won't even mention Finnegans Wake) that has allowed other writers to use the technique selectively as is appropriate in their writing. read the complete article here




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At Home With the Marquis de Sade

Written by eastern writer on Monday, June 08, 2009

Like many of his playboy peers, Comte de Sade was bisexual, and needed street boys to fully satisfy his impulses. His erotic exploits with men, a fairly minor part of his sexual proclivities, were the only ones that were caste-blind. For most of his pleasure was sought with women of quality -- women, in fact, with the most distinguished titles and the most powerful connections in the kingdom.

Upon arriving in Paris from Provence in 1721, Comte de Sade made friends, through family acquaintances, with the very unpopular but powerful Prince de Conde, father of the young noble who would be roughed up by little Donatien. He obtained a captaincy in Conde's regiment. And he soon began a liaison with the prince's sister, Mlle de Charolais, the most beautiful of the Bourbon princesses and one of the more dissolute women of the French court. She ordered her portraitists to depict her in the garb of a Franciscan nun, not out of any religious devotion but as a way of sexually arousing the lovers to whom she offered these images. "The singularity of the adventure entices me as much as it does you," Mlle de Charolais once wrote Donatien's father when he suggested some particularly exotic orgy, "and the curiosity of knowing if this debauch will suit me leads me to accept your proposition."

Comte de Sade's erotic activities, like his brother's in Provence, should be seen in the context of a particularly libertine phase of French culture. Donatien's father arrived in Paris in the last years of the Regency, the eight-year interlude that began in 1715 with the death of Louis XIV and ended when his only legitimate offspring, his thirteen-year-old great-grandson Louis, was crowned King Louis XV. The Regency was the most dissolute period in French history and might well vie with the late Roman Empire as the most debauched era of Western civilization. Indeed, Mlle de Charolais's capers seem fairly innocuous compared with the excesses of her peers ...

In a frenzy of pleasure-seeking, members of the regent's circle held nightly "suppers" at which, after hours of serious drinking, the highest nobility in the land reenacted the illustrations of various classics of erotic literature. Or else they watched as Prince de Soubise got his lover, Mme de Gacé, thoroughly inebriated and ordered a group of valets to take their pleasure with her. "Our state of general debauch is dreadful," the regent's mother commented about the morals of her son's entourage. "Youths of both sexes ... have the conduct of pigs and sows ... Women ... particularly those of our highest families ... are worse than those in houses of ill repute ... I'm amazed that France is not totally drowned, like Sodom and Gomorrah." The prudish Mme de Maintenon readily concurred. "I prefer not to paint you a picture of our current mores; I would sin against the love one should have for one's country," she wrote about the era that followed her consort's reign.

The period of French history into which Comte de Sade was born has been eloquently represented by the refined hedonism of Watteau's and Boucher's paintings and has primarily been known as the Age of Pleasure-Seeking. But one could also look on it as the Age of Cruelty. A perfect example of the vicious eighteenth-century French aristocrat was Comte de Charolais, the brother of Prince de Conde and of Comte de Sade's mistress. Charolais was particularly detested for the ferocity of his pleasures. "His heart was cruel and his actions were bloody ... Orgies of all kinds were to his taste," a contemporary described him. Drunk more often than not, Charolais killed peasants for sheer sport the way other men went hunting, and fired at workmen repairing roofs in the village adjoining his castle. Attempting to avoid prosecution, he once begged Louis XV's forgiveness for such murders. The monarch replied: "The pardon you seek is granted ... but I shall be even more pleased to pardon the man who kills you."
SALON | Dec. 21, 1998

Francine Du Plessix Gray is the author of "Rage and Fire, Lovers and Tyrants" and "Soviet Women," among other books, and contributes regularly to the New Yorker and many other publications. She lives in Connecticut with her husband, painter Clive Gray.


From "At Home With the Marquis de Sade" by Francine Du Plessix Gray. © 1998 by Francine Du Plexis Gray. Reprinted by permission of Simon & Schuster Inc. [source: www.salon.com]

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Sadism and masochism in fiction

Written by eastern writer on Monday, June 08, 2009

Sadism refers to sexual or non-sexual gratification in the infliction of pain or humiliation upon another person. Masochism refers to sexual or non-sexual gratification from receiving the infliction of pain or humiliation.

Often interrelated, the practices are collectively known as sadomasochism as well as S&M or SM. These terms usually refer to consensual practices within the BDSM community.

Many of Marquis de Sade's books, including Justine (1791), Juliette (1797) and The 120 Days of Sodom (published posthumously in 1905), are written from a cruelly sadistic viewpoint. Leopold von Sacher-Masoch's novel Venus in Furs (1870) is essentially one long masochistic fantasy, where the male principal character encourages his mistress to mistreat him.

In Pauline Réage's novel Story of O (1954), the female principal character is kept in a chateau and educated by a group of men using a wide range of BDSM techniques. "O"'s submission is depicted as consensual. A particular revelation of the story is that it is possible to gain power over someone as their victim.

As with many sexual interests, sadomasochism is a popular subject in erotica. While S&M erotica is often about consensual humiliation and power exchange, consent is often abandoned as serves fantasy. The contemporary novelist Anne Rice, best known for Interview with the Vampire, wrote the sadomasochistic trilogy The Claiming of Sleeping Beauty (1983–85) and Exit to Eden (1985) under the pseudonym of A. N. Roquelaure.

In Steven Shainberg's film Secretary (2002), the two leading characters fall in love with each other due to their dependence on one another as their sadomasochistic releases.

In the manga Bakuman the characters Mashiro and Takagi discuss sadomasochism and go as far as calling Mashiro a masochist.

Also in the manga Kimiaru, Anastasia Mistina is a masochist.

In the manga and anime Naruto, Akatsuki member Hidan is seen as an extreme masochist, frequently sacrificing himself to his evil god named Jashin. Hidan can also be seen as an sadomasochist, as he enjoys killing his victims tortuously while, at the same time, inflicting pain on himself.

more please visit this article on wikipedia

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Quote on Art and Literature

    "There is only one school of literature - that of talent."
~ Vladimir Nabokov (1899 - 1977)



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